Nicole, and the road back to anger

I am the history of rape

I am the history of the rejection of who I am

I am the history of the terrorized incarceration of

my self

I am the history of battery assault and limitless

armies against whatever I want to do with my mind

and my body and my soul and

whether it’s about walking out at night

or whether it’s about the love that I feel or

whether it’s about the sanctity of my vagina or

the sanctity of my national boundaries

or the sanctity of my leaders or the sanctity

of each and every desire

that I know from my personal and idiosyncratic

and disputably single and singular heart

I have been raped

be-

cause I have been wrong the wrong sex the wrong age

the wrong skin the wrong nose the wrong hair the

wrong need the wrong dream the wrong geographic

the wrong sartorial I

I have been the meaning of rape

I have been the problem everyone seeks to

eliminate by forced

penetration with or without the evidence of slime and/

but let this be unmistakable this poem

is not consent I do not consent

~From Poem About My Rights, June Jordan

It is when highly unexpected events happen that our personal opinions are most truthfully tested. It easy to feel or galvanize towards anger when old players play out old roles, even if in carrying them out they create such shocking scenes of horror that some roles are redefined. Just a couple of weeks back, when suspected military men abducted, raped, and killed Rebelyn Pitao, the whole of Davao City was so incensed its mayor suddenly took up the cudgels for human rights. This raised the eyebrows only of a few, such as the Philippine Daily Inquirer, which in an editorial chose to nitpick on Rodrigo Duterte’s local vigilantism instead of zeroing in on Gloria Arroyo’s national policy of wiping out leftists. Most understood that everyone can and should condemn state forces that are the only ones to be blamed, and that Rebelyn needs nothing less than a strong and resounding chorus for justice if such crimes are to be prevented from happening again, especially to innocent women.

But then here come’s Nicole with her “recantation”—I would like to say reinterpretation would be more accurate—of the events that transpired in the back of a van one night in Subic November of 2005. It was a shock, too, in a way that Rebelyn’s death was. But it was one that gave way to much confusion and dismay because the one cast in the role of the victim suddenly didn’t seem to be much of a victim anymore, if one were to read superficially the sworn statement Nicole gave to the court before leaving for the United States, as those who were behind its construction intended it to be read.

Those who have intelligently attempted to deconstruct the statement found that it did not remove the fundamental element of rape and that it in fact strengthened it by underscoring that she was too drunk to have given Lance Cpl. Daniel Smith her consent for sex. In fact, those who bother to read the situation in which it was produced would figure out that it was probably not Nicole speaking but Smith’s lawyers who notarized it for her. Unfortunately, all that many chose to see is the self-doubt that a rape victim made apparent after the pressure of three years of waiting for justice from a government that from the start treated her merely as an inconvenient PR disaster for its subservient relations to the US, of standing up to a foreign power that pounced on her every vulnerability, of living in a hometown where the likes of Smith freely roam with masks of benevolence. For those who had symbolically invested in Nicole the fight against US military presence in the country and violence against women, her recantation seemed an act of betrayal of their trust in her person. It elicited a lot of immature, knee-jerk reactions that is painful to watch, especially because it was led by the supposedly rational media, which chose for the first time to splash her true identity in front pages and primetime TV even if nothing about the case had changed to merit such vindictive disrespect for victims of violence against women. Then came a deluge of the same set of opinions that the progressive women’s movement had struggled with at the start of the Subic rape case trial—that she was a loose woman who got what she was asking for, with one columnist even going as far as saying that she wore skinny jeans that Smith couldn’t have taken off without her help. The sensational news headlines of old (“Nicole wants to have more sex”) have been rehashed into softer opinion pieces (“Deconstructing Nicole”) or subtler editorial treatment that nevertheless consist of the same victim-blaming mode. Except that now, starting a new life on foreign shores, Nicole is beyond feeling the hurt that anyone in this country with the compulsion can inflict. It is only we who are left to grapple with the remaining struggle as both the Philipine and US governments are poised to justify the continuation of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with the thorny issue of a US soldier’s rape of a Filipina expected to be extracted from its side.

In its editorial, the PDI enumerated judgments on Nicole that have crystallized over the past few days. “She was the victim of government neglect”; “she was a flirt who couldn’t handle her drink”; “she was in it for the money or the visa”; “she was a Filipina who wanted to live the American dream.” It said that her sworn statement “may tell us more about her than we are ready for.” I say that the way we have reacted to her sworn statement tells us more about ourselves than we are ready for. Despite centuries of oppression and exploitation, in which many of our women have been abused by colonial and neo-colonial powers led by the US, we still haven’t learned how to recognize victims that could be ourselves, our mothers, our sisters, and our daughters, much less treat them well and nurture that which compels them to stand up and fight. We had rallied behind Nicole because she had the courage it took to file a case that the government itself had ensured wouldn’t send her rapist to jail, to sit in court under the glare of many who couldn’t be moved to believe her, and to endure pressures that we can never know of or even be bothered to imagine. But now that her courage ran out, we had failed to exhibit the same. Instead of turning our ire on the old players that with gusto played out their old roles—Philippine government as US lackey, US government as foreign bully—we instead embarked on a misdirected crusade to discredit the role that Nicole played, however inadvertently, as a champion for women’s rights and national sovereignty but in the end just couldn’t sacrifice a “normal life” for. What Nicole did was understandable; what we are doing is not.

Our voices are falling through the age-old cracks of patriarchy, thus rendering our chorus for justice weak and dissonant. It the Arroyo and the US government succeed in once again ramming the VFA down our throats (and god knows what else into the lives and bodies of our women for decades to come) at this exact point in history where we are in the best position to call for its junking and yet chose not to simply because we judged a woman in a way that no woman should ever be judged, we will have nobody to blame but ourselves. This particular issue must push us to recognize the sophistication of the ways of the enemy. Sometimes it is downright brutal as in the case of Rebelyn. Sometimes, though, as in the case of Nicole, it simply spawns and feeds on existing prejudices in a society still very much steeped in a culture that habitually and insidiously devalues women. The former arouses the senses; the latter deadens it. Both are equally foul play that deserves nothing less than our highest collective condemnation.

In an interview last 2006, Nicole’s therapist Dr. June Pagaduan-Lopez said that her client was on the verge of chronic post-traumatic stress disorder. This was a condition, she explained, wherein a rape victim can’t regain her confidence and self-worth. “I alone cannot nurse her back to health. At the right time, she should join an organization that will carry the same struggle. It is the only way for her anger to be constructive; the only way to empower her,” Dr. Lopez added. It takes no degree in psychiatry to understand that Nicole’s “recantation” was one of the many roads that are open to rape victims who do not so easily reach the place of dignity, or who lose empowerment along the way. As for us who had felt injustice not only as witnesses to a single crime against her person, but also as historical victims of imperialist aggression whose implications go far beyond women’s issues and lie at the very heart of national independence and sovereignty, there should only be one dignified road to take, and that is the road back to anger. Anger for rape, both individual and systemic, actual and symbolic. Anger for those who enjoin us to think in the manner of rapists and their coddlers whose sense of unchallenged power lead to human rights violations of the most offensive order. Anger that is constructive and empowering because it is organized towards a just end, with or without Nicole to act as its symbol.

The struggle against the VFA is far from defeated. The role of those who can and should partake in it has only been redefined to include becoming harbingers of human compassion and political astuteness at this period of shock when a narrow sense of betrayal and classic machismo reign over our personal opinions and—like American soldiers on our soil—threaten to stay “for good.”

Incoming Anakpawis Rep. Rafael Mariano on the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill

This is the transcript of my interview last year with incoming Anakpawis Rep. Rafael “Ka Paeng” Mariano on the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (Garb) or House Bill 3059, filed by late Anakpawis Rep. Crispin “Ka Bel” Beltran. Ka Paeng will soon replace Ka Bel in Congress. An equally brilliant and dedicated legislator and mass leader, Ka Paeng really is the voice of the millions of landless farmers in the country (Like Ka Bel, he can give a complete and earnest 30-minute answer to one question). The anniversary of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (Carp) is forthcoming, and Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas chapters nationwide have started their campaign against Carp’s extension and for Garb’s passage instead. Here’s why:

PW: Anong kaibahan ng Garb sa Carp?

Mariano: Ito ay pusupusan at tunay na reporma sa lupa. Bunga ito ng naging matagumpay na konsultasyon sa hanay ng organisadong mga magsasaka katulad ng KMP, Amihan, UMA (Unyon ng Manggagawa sa Agrikultura), at Pamalakaya (Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya). Malaki ang kaibahan nito pangunahin sa sasaklawin ng programa. Sasaklawin ng programa unang-una yung malalaking lupang nasa monopolyong kontrol pa rin ng malalaking panginoong maylupa sa bansa. Kasama na rito ang mga lupaing nasa kontrol pa rin ng malalaking agrocorporation lalo na ng mga dayuhan na kalakhan matatagpuan sa isla ng Mindanao. Kasama sa coverage ng bill na ito kahit yung mga lupaing naitakas sa saklaw ng huwad na Carp. Marami kasing mga loopholes yan na kumbinyenteng ginamit at ginagamit ng mga panginoong maylupa para makaiwas sa makitid na saklaw ng Carp.

Halimbawa yung mga lupaing nai-exempt dahil sa mga order at exemptions na nilabas ng DAR (Department of Agrarian Reform), Darab (DAR Adjudication Board), at ng korte. Yung mga lupaing nanatili sa kamay ng mga landlord dahil sa pag-avail ng kanilang right to retain yung holdings. Yung mga lupa at magsasakang saklaw ng inisyung order for land conversion, order ng ejectment, kinanselang certificate of land ownership at emancipation patents. Yung mga lupag nababawi sa magsasaka dahil sa iba’t ibang kaparaanan o kaya hindi lang makabayad ng amortisisasyon. At yung mga lupaing talagang hindi nakasama, na hindi inirehstro ng mga nag-mamay-ari nito doon sa ginanap na land registration noong 1988. At yung mga lupa na kusang itinakas ng mga land owner sa saklaw ng Carp bago pa man magkabisa ang Carp noong June 15, 1988 at idinivide na sa kanilang mga kapamilya. Pati na yung mga binawi na mga lupa, ng mga non-land transfer schemes tulad ng stock distribution option. Isasama yon sa mga sasaklawin ng panukalang batas para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa.

At siyempre nariyan din ang prinsipyo ng libreng pamamahagi ng lupa sa magsasaka. Eh ngayon kailangan magbayad ng amortization na napakataas. Ang nagtatakda lang ng land valuation ay ang DAR, sasang-ayunan ng Landbank at pinapatungan pa ng interes, na walang partisipasyon yung mga magsasaka doon sa valuation process, yung mga magsasaka na malaon nang nagsasaka sa lupa, na sila naman ang nagpaunlad niyan. Karamihan ng mga lupain sa atin nakuha nila sa pananakot, pandaraya, pandarahas, at pangangamkam. Doon sa mga may-ari ng lupa na nagpapabuwis, na target saklawin ng programang ito, kung meron silang ipinuhunan, dahil sa ilang beses nilang pyudal na pagpiga ng land rent, ilang beses na rin naman itong naibalik sa kanila. Kaya hindi na dapat pagbayarin o singilin pa ng amortisisasyon ang mga magsasaka. Kaya nga prinsipyo ito ng libreng pamamahagi ng lupa bilang sentral na nilalalaman ng isang batas sa tunay na reporma sa lupa.

Gayundin ang laman niyan, no retention. Walang ititira, lalo na yung malalaking despotikong maylupa hanggang ang lupa ay mayroong magsasaka…Naglalayon talaga itong batas na ito na basagin ang monopolyong kontrol sa lupa ng iilan at maipamahagi ito ng libre sa mga magsasaka. Hindi natin papayagan ang non-land transfer schemes na kung tutuusin corporate landgrabbing tulad ng leaseback agreement, SDO, profit and production sharing scheme. Yan ay iskema para makalusot at makatakas sa anumang reporma sa lupa.

Kahit yung undistributed sa ilalim ng Carp na inihihingi nila ng extension, sabi nila 1.4 M hectares. Sasaklawin na yan ng tunay na reporma sa lupa, hindi na ng huwad na Carp.

May ilang konsiderasyon lang tayo sa mga maliliit at katamtamang laki na nag-aari ng lupa at mahusay naman ang pagtrato sa magsasaka o manggagawang-bukid, walang track record ng pagiging despotiko, pandarahas, at pamamaslang sa mga magsasaka. May ibang konsiderasyon lang na kinakailangan in terms of priority and coverage ng immediate land appropriation and distribution.

Sa mga lugar na hindi pa masasaklaw ng programa, dapat yung signipikanteng pagpapababa ng upa sa lupa, pero malaunan dapat saklawin din.

Ang isa pang kaibahan nito, maikli lang ang period ng iplementasyon. Kung limang taon, limang taon lang. Hindi extendible. Hindi katulad ng Carp na after 20 years hihingi ng extension ng 10 years eh di magiging 30 years na. Magbubunyi ang mga panginoong maylupa na makakatakas at makakatakas pa sa programang yan. Alam nilang hindi sila matatamaan ng Carp kasi nakaligtas na sila eh. Pero matatakot yan sa bagong batas na an layunin ay saklawin ang lupa nila at mga magsasaka na nasa lupain nila na nasa kanilang kontrol. Walang pacing pacing ito. Kung may uunahin, yan yung malalakihan tulad ng lupain ni Danding (Cojuangco), Hacienda Luisita, isasama natin pati yung mga lupain ng mga military reservation kuno pero may mga magsasaka at produktibo, yung mga lupaing may actual occupants tulad ng sa CMU (Central Mindanaoo University). Ilang beses na mas malaki ang mga ito kaysa saklaw ng Carp in terms of lupain at in terms of bilang ng mga magsasaka. Ito ay tunay na komprehensibo kasi lahat ng dapat masaklaw, sasaklawin ng batas na ito. Hindi tokenism o pakitang-tao lang.

Yung mga magsasaka, hindi mabibigatan dahil libreng pamamahagi ng lupa. Kung hindi na magbabayad ng amortisisasyon ang mga magsasaka at kalakhan ng kanilang ani ay sa kamay nila mapupunta, ibabalik nila ulit yan sa produksyon. Hihikayatin ang mga magsasaka at benepisyaryo na magbuo ng mga kooperatiba, asosayon, unyon ng mga manggagawang bukid sa mga plantasyon at hacienda. Dapat hikayatin sila na palakasin pa ang mga kooperatiba at unyon, at kung handa na sila, maaaring yun ang porma ng pag-aari. Kung hindi man sa kagyat, ang bahagi ng lupaing sasaklawin, ayon sa kanilang kapasyahan, ay isasailalim sa sama-samang pagbubungkal. Para mapaliit din ang gastos sa produksiyon. Ang badyet sa kalakhan ay para sa suporta sa produksiyon, hindi yung badyet para bayaran yung mga asyendero o panginoong maylupa.

Kitang-kita ang malaking kaibahan nito sa huwad na reporma sa lupa na Carp. Magmula sa period of implementation, na maikli lang, hanggang sa moda ng pag-aacquire, kailangan compulsory acquisition at distribution. Ang tanong, lulusot ba ito? Maipapatupad ba ito sa isang Kongreso lalo na ang mga kongresista kung hindi man tuwirang panginoong maylupa ay nagtataguyod ng makauring interes ng panginoong maylup, komprador, at dayuhan? So wala tayong ganoong malaking ilusyon na ito ay maisasabatas. Ang mahalaga dito ay mailayo natin ang mga magsasakang naloloko pa at nalilinlang pa ngayon ng gobyerno na sa pagitan ng Carp at extension ng Carp ay makalalaya sila sa kanilang lupang sinasaka. Kaya masigasagig na impormasyon at edukasyon yan, pagmumulat sa kanila. Pag-oorganisa at pagpapakilos sa kanila. Mailihis din natin ang magsasakang nalilinlang, napapatahak sa linyang repormismo at oportunismo. At maipakita, matanggap, at mayakap nila ang isang tunay na reporma sa lupa.

Mahalaga lang na maitulak ang Kongreso na pag-usapan. May malaking papel ang kilusang magsasaka sa pagsusulong nito at pagkuha nila ng suporta at simpatiya ng iba pang sektor sa loob at maging sa labas ng bansa. Lalo ngayong mas malakas ang moral, sosyal, ekonomikal, at pulitikal na batayan at pangangailangan para ipatupad ang isang tunay at puspusang reporma sa lupa. Ngayon na. Hindi na kailangan pang i-extend ang matagal nang pagpaliban ng pagpapatupad nito.

PW: Bakit gusto i-extend ng gobyerno Carp?

Mariano: Magtatagumpay sila sa panloloko at panlilinlang. Sabihin nila naipamahagi na lahat ng lupa. Sasabihin nilang nagtagumpay na tayo, ang kailangan lang tapusin. Hindi lang kailangan tapusin ito ngayon, kailangan i-extend. Pagdating ng panahon na yon, inaasahan marahil nila na kaya na nilang mapatanggap sa nililinlang nilang mga magsasaka na tapos na ang reporma sa lupa. Kailangan na lang ngayon ay para sa suportang serbisyo. Pero nalutas ba ang pundamental na problema ng milyung-milyong magsasaka at manggagawang bukid lalo na yung maralita na kawalan ng lupa pa rin ang pundamental na problema? Hindi. Nalulutas ba ang social conflict at armed conflict sa ating bansa na kung titingnan natin ay nag-uugat sa problema ng kawalan ng lupa dahil nananatili ang monopolyong kontrol ng iilang may-ari ng lupa? Kaya yung paghanap din ng pangmatagalang kapayapaan sa ating bansa mananatiling mailap. Kung saan malakas ang mga organisasyong magsasaka, dinudurog, pinapaslang. Historically sa ating bansa, nagpapatupad ang reaksiyunaryong gobyerno ng reporma sa lupa na deceptive kung kailan lumalakas ang paglaban, paggiit ng mga magsasaka, nagsusulong ng karapatan para sa lupa at tunay at puspusang reporma sa lupa. Kaya naoobliga ang gobyernong reaksiyunaryo sa pamamagitan ng kanyang Kongreso na karamihan ay mga panginoong maylupa din na magsabatas ng isang huwad na reporma sa lupa at yan ang kinakatawan ng Carp.

Gusto rin ito ng US dahil ang mga lupain ngayon ay nakatakas sa tunay na reporma sa lupa. Ang gobyernong papet, inilalako na gawing agribusiness na magsusuplay sa pagangailangan ng kanyang merkado. Kaya nasa interes din ng US na walang malakas na kilusan ng magsasaka, na walang tunay na kilusan ng pagbabago sa bansa na ang sentral na programa nila sa pagbabago ay pagpapatupad ng tunay at puspusang reporma sa lupa. Kaya nga ayaw nilang matuloy ang usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng NDF (National Democratic Front of the Philippines) at GRP kasi pumapasok na sila sa social and economic reforms, nandiyan na eh. Yung agrarian reform at rural development, bahagi ng SER na yon. Kaya walang maaasahan ang mga magsasaka kundi ang magtayo sila ng samahan, lumahok sa pakikibakang anti-pyudal at anti-imperyalista, at isulong pahakbang-hakbang ang ganitong klase ng tunay at puspusang reporma sa lupa. Yung historical injustice mare-rectify mo lang yan kung maipatupad mo itong tunay at puspusang reporma sa lupa.

Hindi maipapatupad ang reporma sa lupa kundi rin maipapatupad ang pambansang industriyalisasyon. Hindi pwedeng mawala yung isa. Magkakaroon lang tayo ng tunay na pag-unlad kung may tunay na reporma sa lupa. Kasi diyan ka kukuha ng means of subsistence ng mga mamamayan. Diyan ka kukuha ng raw materials mo ng industry sector. Diyan ka kukuha ng surplus labor force mo na kailangan ng sektor ng manupaktura. Kapag maunlad na agrikultura at yung sistema ng kolektibismo at mekanisasyon, magkakaroon yan ng surplus labor force. Yun naman ang susuplay sa industriya.

Hindi uunlad ang agrikultura kung hindi ito itatrato na very foundation of our national economy. Ang mga magsasaka rin bilang pangunahing produktibong puwersa, kapag maunlad na ang kabuhayan, may mataas na purchasing power, lumalaki ang demand, nagsisilbi silang merkado rin ng produkto ng industriya. At anumang ipataw mo (na buwis) sa malaunan, malaki ang maitutulong noon sa pagkuha ng kapital na kailangan naman sa sariling pag-unlad ng agrikultura at industriya.

P.S. (An insightful article on the Carp extension was published in Pinoy Weekly this week, containing data on the shortfalls of DAR’s land distribution despite the huge funds, some even foreign-sourced, that the government spent for Carp.)

Midya, magsasaka at ang unang eksena ng 2008

Hindi siguro inakala ng mga taga-midya, na malamang noon ay bumubuwelo pa lamang sa pagkokober ng isa na namang taon ng mga sakuna at kontrobersiya, na magiging bahagi sila ng unang malaking eksena ng 2008. Isang advisory na inilabas ng Department of Justice ang nagbabala: ituturing na kriminal ang sinumang miyembro ng midya na susuway sa utos ng pulisya o militar sa panahon ng emergency. Ang sitwasyong-krisis sa mga rebeldeng sundalong Magdalo sa Manila Pen noong Nobyembre 29 at ang papel ng midya na nanatili sa loob ng otel nang sinalakay ito ng mga awtoridad ang pinaghalawan ng babala. Agad umalma ang mga grupo ng mga mamamahayag at lahat ng mga naniniwalang hindi dapat ikriminalisa ang trabahong ihatid sa mga mamamayan ang balita.

Makaraan ang ilang araw, marahil dahil na-presyur si DOJ Sek. Raul Gonzalez na ipaliwanag ang kautusang lubos na kinamumuhian lalo ng mga naniniwala sa liberal na demokrasya, isang destabilization plot o planong patalsikin sa poder si Arroyo ang inilahad na dahilan ng pagbababala sa midya. Ang petsa: Enero 22, ika-21 anibersaryo ng Mendiola Massacre. Huling araw ito ng Lakbayan o Martsa para sa Lupa, Pagkain, at Hustisyang Sosyal ng mga magsasaka mula pa sa malalayong rehiyon ng Timog Katagalugan, Bikol, Gitnang Luzon, Cagayan Valley, at Hilagang Luzon. Puntirya ng libu-libong mga magsasaka ang Mendiola, oo, pero hindi sila nahihibang isipin na mapapatalsik nila sa pagkilos na iyon ang isang pangulong, sa tuso at dahas, ay walang dadaig sa pagkapit sa kapangyarihang nakaw. Nais lamang nilang idaing kay Arroyo, tulad ng mga magsasaka noong 1987 kay dating pangulong Aquino, ang gutom at kawalang-hustisya na patuloy na namamayani sa kanayunang di pagmamay-ari nilang mga naglilinang ng lupa.

Pero heto na’t may tangkang busalan ang midya. Heto na’t inaresto ang limang sundalo na binansagang kasamahan ng mga rebeldeng Magdalo at diumano’y nasa akto ng paghahatid ng mga armas (Ang nabawing tatlong riple laban sa 10,000 pulis na ipapakalat sa Mendiola?) Ginagawa ng gobyerno ang lahat para mag-anyong destabilization plot ang isang lehitimong protestang kinakatawan ang nag-uumapaw na diskuntento ng mga mamamayan sa pang-ekonomiya at pampulitikang lagay ng bansa. Paulit-ulit na ang tugon ng mga lider ng oposisyon na ilan beses nang pilit idinawit sa parehong mga balak diumano. Ayon kay Anakpawis Rep. Crispin Beltran: “Anong gagawin namin sa gobyernong na-destabilize na ang sarili niya?”

Walang simpatiyang makukuha si Arroyo mula sa publikong sawa na, hindi sa mga protestang kung tutuusin maliliit at kakaunti pa, kundi sa gobyernong baon na sa leeg sa sariling kawalanghiyaan, mahilig pang mag-imbento ng mga multong nagsasawira lamang sa alaala ng pinakamarurumi nitong krimen. Marami na ang humihiling noon pa man ng pagpapatalsik sa pangulo, bakit sila susuporta sa praning na mga hakbang para pigilan ang isang pinagbibintangang plano?

Sa kabuuan, at pinatutunayan ng kasalukuyang pagtrato sa Lakbayan, wala nang pagbabalatkayo ang pagmamalupit ng gobyernong Arroyo sa mga magsasaka, na mayorya ng mga Pilipino. Tuwing sila’y nagsasama-sama sa lansangan, tinatawag silang mga destabilizer at binabalewala ang panawagan para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa. Tuwing sila’y nagsasama-sama sila sa kanayunan, tinatawag silang mga NPA, tinotortyur, at pinapatay (Ang pinakahuli ay si Teldo Rebamonte, dinukot ng Regional Mobile Group sa Masbate at natagpuan ang bangkay noong Enero 12).

Pero noong Disyembre lamang, ginamit ang mga magsasaka ng Sumilao, Bukidnon, para ibida ang Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program at muling magmukhang maka-magsasaka (Huli niyang tinangka ito nang maglabas ng mga campaign poster na nag-aani siyang kuno, kumpleto ng kamisa-de-chino at sombrero). Nagdeklarang ibabalik ang lupaing kinamkam ng San Miguel Foods Inc. sa kanilang mga nagmartsa ng 1,700 kilometro makarating lamang ng Malakanyang. Ngayon, nasa Maynila muli ang 12 sa mga magsasaka para ireklamong di itinigil ng kompanya ang konstruksiyon sa kanilang lupa sa kabila ng utos ng pangulo.

Hindi mga destabilizer sa mata ng DOJ ang 55 magsasaka ng Sumilao, na may pareho namang karaingan sa 5,000 magsasakang naglakbay din at magpoprotesta sa Enero 22. Tulad ng mga bata sa Payatas at iba pang mukha ng karalitaan na pana-panahong niyayakag sa tabi ng pangulo, kinailangan ang mga magsasaka para likhain ang imahe ng pagka-mesiya ni Arroyo, na sa puntong ito ng kanyang pamumuno (isaisip na lamang ang P728-M Fertilizer Fund Scam) ay lalong nagiging kasuklam-suklam makita sa telebisyon o dyaryo. Kinailangan din ni Arroyo ang midya. Bagkus, hindi mga kriminal kung ituring ang mga mamamahayag na nagkober sa pagkawala ng hapis ng mga magsasakang pinaunlakan at pinangakuan ng pangulo, kahit di ito totoong balita (ang Manila Pen takeover ay kaganapang aktuwal, ang land takeover ay di maitaga sa bato maging ng Department of Agrarian Reform). Ito ang istabilidad sa pamamagitan ng panlilinlang—mabilis at mapayapa, bagaman pansamantala.

Ang istabilidad sa pamamagitan ng pananakot at dahas naman ay inirereserba para sa mga ayaw magpalinlang—tulad ng mga taga-midyang piniling maging saksi sa isang mahalagang pambansang krisis, tulad ng mga magsasakang tinraydor ng CARP at piniling iasa sa sariling lakas ang paggiit sa karapatan sa lupa’t pagkain. Parami nang parami ang mga tulad nila, kaya di nakapagtataka na ang eksenang sumalubong sa 2008 ay karugtong lamang ng maiigting na eksena ng tunggalian ng nakaraang mga taon.

Bilang mamamahayag, umaasa akong ikokober ko ang isang taon di lamang ng mga sakuna at kontrobersiya, kundi ng tagumpay ng mga di nagpapaloko at naghahanap ng istabilidad sa pamamagitan ng hustisya, na siyang tanging nagtatagal at para sa lahat.

A note on aimlessness, etc.

Rather shocked, I must admit, when a dear friend made a sad comment on what she interpreted this blog to be: and end to “aimless blogging.” Made me momentarily stop and think. I suppose I had rather intended to be more professional about this vain little pasttime—it had struck me that the world wide web really is the worst place to lodge highly personal thoughts you feel silly about afterwards, especially because you allowed practically anyone to read them. And since the sinister Human Security Act and the even more sinister extra-legal machinations of the Arroyo regime, it’s been like walking on eggshells. It’s madness for anyone who ever vocally criticized the government to volunteer even the smallest nuggets of personal information for state agents to coldly pick from your babbles and neatly file away in secret dossiers that try to re-create you to eventually harm you. So for all intents and purposes, my friend is right, this blog is meant to be, well, an intensely purposeful one (hehe). And yet it is not enirely correct to say that I have left aimlessness behind. For how can one ever, as long as one is living in this city where the most meaningless things happen, where even the most dead-set objectives fall through endless cracks? So sometimes, like the irrepressible urge to dangle feet over some high ledge, I reckon thoughts would grope to shape themselves into words that would affirm the eternal usefulness of simply existing for wanderlust.

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Of late, my friends and colleagues have become Angel Locsin’s staunchest defenders. Hehe. Read Kenneth Guda’s Telenovela Killed the Film Star (Then Went On To Save Television) , on the feminist underpinnings of Angel’s move, as well as Teo Marasigan’s Pagtatanggol kay Angel Locsin, on why she is like Sartre (an amazing piece of stretch, but there’s more). Mine is just an observation culled from a one-time coverage and affirmed by her recent appearance at Deal or No Deal. That she sticks out from the rest of the female stars like a sore thumb because of, well, the unpolished (with shades of siga) way she talks and moves, like she wasn’t the bombshell (sorry for the term) that she is. As if she were simply some tough and happy twenty-something doing a job that incidentally made her famous. Don’t blame her if she couldn’t imagine herself doing that demeaning, gyrating MariMar thing that flashes on GMA-7 every so often. Heck, I can’t even imagine her in an Anne Curtis/Bea Alonzo role of doing nothing but sighing and crying and fighting over men. I hope that ABS-CBN does her justice. Hehe.

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Recently appeared on ANC in the presscon held to protest libel cases filed by big corporations against environmental defenders. Technically, I wasn’t an environmental defender, my father (who couldn’t make it) was—I was just the “environmental journalist” (Enteng thought of the description) who put his research into words nearly 7 years ago, hehe. (Read here about the pesticide poisoning issue that made us subject of an ongoing P5.5-M civil case filed by the agricultural company Lapanday) It was really weird being on the other end of the camera and on the receiving end of questions by scribbling colleagues, fretting about subjudice but at the same time immensely proud of being allowed to publicly speak up and align with NGOs who suffer the same problem, perhaps even worse. Center for Environment Concerns faces a P10-M libel suit by Lafayette, the Australian-owned mining company associated with toxic mine tailing spills in Rapu-Rapu, Albay. Almost every publication has written on the issue, and yet the company chose to punish only the most vocal NGO, based on a pamphlet distributed when CEC lobbied Lafayette’s financial stakeholders. Meanwhile, 24 indigenous leaders in Nueva Vizcaya are facing arrest after a successful people’s barricade against the mining company Oxiana Philippine Inc. Lucas Buay, an Ifugao leader who spoke in the presscon, said that they will continue defending their ancestral lands and the watershed despite cases such as “illegal occupancy of forest land” (imagine that!). Anyway, ABS-CBN didn’t use my sound byte for the story (our case wasn’t timely, I guess), but they did keep showing the clip of me talking to their reporter, gesturing how aerial spraying of pesticides is done. Hehe.

Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casino is looking to file a bill to prevent SLAPPs (Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation). This definition from a US lawyer who helped us:

“Lawsuits that are intended exclusively to stifle criticism have become known among commentators, judges, and politicians as Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation or SLAPPs.  SLAPPs have become a favorite response of corporations faced with criticism because the suit need not be successful to serve the purposes of the plaintiff corporations.  As one Canadian judge has noted, ‘[a] SLAPP suit is a claim for monetary damages against individuals who have dealt with a government body on an issue of public interest or concern.  It is a meritless action filed by a plaintiff whose primary goal is not to win the case but rather to silence or intimidate citizens who have participated in proceedings regarding public policy or public decision making.’ Cognizant of the profound chilling effect SLAPPs have on citizens exercising their rights, some countries, most notably the United States, have imposed restrictions on these lawsuits.”

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I have no updates on what had happened after the near massacre and fact-finding mission last July, but please sign the petition to save an organic rice farming community from being evicted from their lands. Also check out their bittersweet story, Braving Bullets: Central Mindanao University Farmers Struggle for Genuine Land Reform, about two decades of collective assertion of rights that enabled them to occupy a land now about to be leased by government to big businesses. Sadly, nowadays such threats are all-too-common. But these farmers’ brilliant history is something else, a red-tag equivalent of front page PDI, only it would not only mean news that is good, but also agitating.

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Since I wasn’t able to include it in my story, I just want to blog about the Malacanang employee (forced retiree) who still hasn’t received his benefits because of a pending case of “illegal use of fake ID.” Here’s what happened. The Office of the President, for an unclear (though it can only be heartless) reason, wanted to stop employees from pawning their ATMs. As you may know, pawning of ATMs—because workers have no other belonging other than the assurance of their next month’s salary—is quite a common practice in this harsh a life. So Malacanang unified their IDs and ATMs (back-to-back). An employee, whose wife is seriously ill, was forced by circumstance to pawn his ATM nonetheless. So when he was asked for his ID he gave the Presidential Security Group a xerox copy instead. This “violation” is now costing him his whole working life’s benefits. This man, whose tasks include carrying the President’s luggage, only sleeps around two hours a day because he has to man a sidecar at night and in the wee hours of the morning just to put food on the table. For the full story on the treachery of Palace employees by Pres. Arroyo and the true effects of the government’s rationalization program, read Dateline Malakanyang: ‘Tanggalan ng Masa’.

Manila sidewalks teem with out-of-school Muslims

(Pictures of Moros in Taguig and Tandang Sora can be viewed here.) 

By Ilang-Ilang D. Quijano

They should be studying in cloistered elementaries, high schools and universities in homeland Mindanao, books and pen in hand. Yet here they are, in the noisy and congested streets of Metro Manila, clutching their wares and hawking to passers-by anything that can earn them a few pesos.

Pirated DVDs, cellphone accessories, combs, mirrors, padlocks, cigarettes, candies, light bulbs, sunglasses, bags, undergarments—the list of things he had sold for a living is endless, said Abet Ampaso, a 22-year old native of the Muslim province of Lanao del Sur.

Hailing from a family of poor farmers that could no longer send him to college, he came to Manila six years ago to look for a job. His dream of becoming a working student loomed large. This, however, quickly came crashing down as factories kept turning down his applications. “Before, Muslims were given jobs, even as security guards. But after September 11 [terrorist attacks in New York], nobody would trust us anymore. At the gate, they would immediately tell you that there is no vacany, while the others Christians in line are told to go inside,” he said.

The Philippines, a former colony of Spain, is predominantly Roman Catholic. But around five per cent of the population or approximately four million is Muslim. While most Muslims reside in Southern Philippines, poverty and conflict have driven many to Metro Manila since the 80s in search of better opportunities.

But for many Muslims, the only livelihood they could find was the one millions of other urban poor dwellers turn to in desperation.

Lorna Marangit, 24, said that sidewalk selling is a “hard life.” Faced with the constant threat of demolition, they lay out their goods every morning not knowing if they would be sold or merely confiscated by corrupt law enforcement officials.

Last June 29, she voluntarily tore down her makeshift store, because of rumors that the Metro Manila Development Agency (MMDA) will raze their stalls in Tandang Sora, Quezon City.

“We have learned our lesson. Last 2002, the MMDA demolished while the people were still asleep. They confiscated goods worth three months of labor. We had no livelihood for many months,” she said.

Despite paying the city government P1,300 for permits every quarter of the year, and the police P20 per day as “padulas” or illicit payment, no assurance of permanency is given them. The police, MMDA, and city government officials sometimes even get whatever they want from their stores, “especially during Christmas,” she said.

Lorna is a Muslim native of the province of Shariff Kabunsuan, one of the conflict areas between the military and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), a rebel movement fighting for the secession of Moros (“Moro,” meaning “nation,” is the collective term used for Muslim Filipinos).

When she was 13, she was caught in a crossfire between government troops and the MILF. “My sister and I were walking near Camp Abubakar [MILF stronghold] and carrying an umbrella. Perhaps, the soldiers thought we were carrying a firearm and started shooting at us. The rebels fired back,” she said. Luckily, they were unharmed. But poverty and militarization (“helicopters would drop bombs at civilian houses,” “roads are lined with grenades”)  forced her to drop out of school and try her luck in Manila.

Acording to Aslanie Domadalug, National Capital Region (NCR) chairperson of Liga ng Kabataang Moro (LKM) or League of Moro Youth, Abet and Lorna are only among the throusands of Muslim out-of-school youth displaced from Mindanao and working as sidewalk vendors in Manila.

The LKM, formed in 2003, is an attempt by the marginalized Muslim youth community to organize, create awareness among their ranks, and fight for their right to education. Most of its members are in Mindanao, but its NCR membership is fast growing.

To help LKM in its mission, Abet stopped selling to become a full-time organizer in Maharlika Village, a large Muslim community in Taguig City. “Whether you are selling or not, you are still poor. So it is better to be poor but have the pride of being able to do something for the greater good,” he said.

The LKM conducts clean-up drives in communities and helps sidewalk vendors in negotiating against demolition. They also hold educational discussions among the Muslim youth, explaining to them why they are in the streets and not in school.

“The government prioritizes military spending and debt servicing instead of education. It does not implement land reform or give job opportunities, so majority of Muslims who are farmers remain poor,” according to Domadalug. He added that “instead of addressing poverty as the root of the conflict in Mindanao, the government also opts for a purely military solution.”

With the impending implemention of the Human Security Act (HSA), the country’s new anti-terrorism law, LKM fears discriminatory actions against Muslims would escalate.

Abet and Lorna both attest to the penchant of law enforcement officials for arresting allegedly innocent Muslims for different crimes, from petty (vagrancy and theft) to hard (murder and involvement in illegal drugs). “They like to pick up Muslims because they know that we are very protective of our families and tribe members and would be willing to shell out money for each other. Mostly, Muslims are arrested so that the police are able to extort,” Lorna said.

In Maharlika Village, both legal and illicit bail bonds range from P20,000 to P30,000, according to Abet.

“If this could be done to Muslims even without the HSA, what more when the government is free to call anyone they want terrorists?” said Domadalug.

While formally uneducated, the harsh streets have taught these youth the real problems of the times. It is here that they are slowly learning their rights as Moros. They still dream of going to school one day. But now they know that it is a dream that has to be fought for together.